Thursday, April 9, 2009

The Bloated Singapore Government Bureaucracy

The Bloated Singapore Government Bureaucracy

Much talk has surfaced about the PAP’s decision to create yet another unnecessary cabinet post in the form of a Second Senior Minister position along with all its attendant office entourage, and multimillion dollar budget and Minister salary. This is just another step in the long existing aim of creating new departments and positions to feed the growing legions of PAP loyalist and faithful and to reward them for past service.

Here are some other examples:

- Health Promotion Board – Exactly why was this statutory board created in the first place? Its stated goals of health promotion, disease prevention, and patient education were all handled by MOH for decades. Individual hospitals had staff on hand to do all this. At the very most, this should have been a department within the MOH. Instead, it now has its own building, staff, and Board of Directors. An examination of members of its Board of Directors shows only 2 medical professionals, and the board is populated by PAP luminaries such as Oon Jin Teik (Singapore Sports Council), Lucas Chow (Mediacorp), Wen Khai Meng (Capitaland), etc. Yet another total waste of taxpayer money.

- Health Sciences Agency – See above for the same reasons.

- DSTA – This is indeed a huge mystery as to why this organization was even set up to begin with. Its stated goal is to acquire weapons systems for the SAF, like the Boeing F-15SG fighter plane. Is the govt. telling us that the RSAF is so incompetent that it cannot evaluate aircraft for itself, and that it needs an organization like the DSTA to do so? It’s also supposed to develop military infrastructure. Why? Is the SAF not able to do that itself? DSTA also provides engineering and related services in defence areas. Are they saying that SYT Engineering is not capable of doing this? In fact, for every stated mission of the DSTA, some organization is already doing the same mission. I know of no other country in the world that allows a civilian agency to evaluate, dictate, and purchase what weapons its military would use. The only other conclusion that I reach is that is yet another PAP feeding trough.

- Workforce development Agency – This to me should be just another Ministry of Labour department. Helping people to get job, upgrading their skills, etc. is what the Ministry of Labour is supposed to do anyway. This should be under the umbrella of the MOL and should be eliminated. It’s just duplicating infrastructure and overlapping with the MOL’s aims and objectives.

These are just some of the glaring examples that I see. There are many more. The PAP always harps about how Singapore should be more competitive. Yet, by having in placed this bloated bureaucracy, they are sending the wrong message…

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Dr Allan Ooi’s case: MINDEF’s second letter still did not answer key questions

Dr Allan Ooi’s case: MINDEF’s second letter still did not answer key questions

In a report published on Straits Times titled “MINDEF clarifies SAF doctor’s scholarship bond“, the ministry said it would have preferred to keep such exchanges private out of respect for Capt (Dr) Ooi and his family. However, it said an earlier letter by the family had raised ’several issues’, and it was necessary to clarify them. (read article here)

It appeared that MINDEF is insinuating that the open letter sent to the media by the Ooi family was inappropriate. I believed that the family of Dr Allan Ooi would have preferred to keep such exchanges private too. If MINDEF has been open and upfront with them in the first place, would they resort to such a desperate measure?

MINDEF said a board of inquiry was convened on 11 March 2009 and it concluded that matters related to Capt (Dr) Ooi’s service ‘were managed appropriately’. I am surprised at the swift conclusion reached by the board of inquiry.

May I ask MINDEF the following questions:

1. Who make up the board of inquiry?

2. How long did they take to reach the conclusion?

3. What was the conclusion?

4. How were the matters relating to Dr Ooi’s service “managed appropriately”?

5. Was the family informed of the result of the inquiry.

The impression given by MINDEF is that the board of inquiry was staffed by its own officers whose aim is to clear Allan’s superiors of any wrongdoings rather than to investigate the matter thoroughly.

Straits Times’ title is both misleading and untrue. Nowhere did MINDEF clarify Allan’s scholarship bond at all other than to justify the actions taken in response to Allan’s request to quit SAF.

The crux of the entire matter is this: Allan wrote in to SAF expressing his intention to quit and MINDEF has persistently refused to answer the key question as to why Allan was not allowed to break his bond?

What constitutes “early release” under MINDEF’s operating guidelines? If Allan was allowed to break his bond, he would have to serve out one year of his mandatory national service as a SAF medical officer after which he would be allowed to join the civil sector to complete his remaining 3 years of bond.

There are many interpretations of “early release” and MINDEF should come clean with the public on its definition instead of hiding behind vague military jargons to evade public scrutiny. Does “early release” mean the officer can only allowed to leave SAF after a period of time? If so, how long is the duration - 2, 3, 5 or 10 years?

For an officer who is determined to quit SAF, is it fair to coerce him to wait for his “early release”? All MINDEF needs to do is to tell us truthfully if Allan was allowed to break his bond.

What transpired between Allan and his superiors? Was he told in no uncertain terms that he is not allowed to break his bond? What is the rationale of offering him an alternative posting within SAF when he had no desire to remain with the organization? These relevant and important questions can only be answered with an independent panel vested with the power to haul up the officers involved for questioning.

MINDEF should stop obsfucating the issue by using a moral compass to denounce Allan’s intention to break his bond. While it is true that Allan has the moral obligation to complete his bond, he had the means to compensate MINDEF financially for the resources they had spent on him.

On the other hand, MINDEF also owes a moral obligation to its scholarship holders to ensure they have a fruitful and rewarding career in the SAF. Why continue to keep a scholar whose heart is no longer with the organization? Is it fair for taxpayers to continue paying the salary of a soldier who is dying to get out of the army?

MINDEF has also failed to disclose the original terms of Allan’s contract with the SAF: is there a clause in the bond that he is NOT PERMITTED to break his bond at any time in the course of his service?

An unbreakable bond is tantamount to modern slavery. If there were no such clause initially, why should Allan be refused his basic human right to leave his current employment in search of a better one?

Until MINDEF manage to answer these questions satisfactorily, Allan’s scholarship bond will never be clarified. MINDEF should have heeded the family’s wishes to allow an independent panel to be set up to investigate the matter a long time ago. Its reluctance to do so will only lead to more baseless speculations about its role in Allan’s fateful decision to go AWOL and turning this sorry episode into a protracted fracas.

If MINDEF truly have any respect for Allan and his family, it should address their concerns immediately instead of continuing to play a cat-and-mouse game with them. There can be no closure without answers.

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Concerned about procedures for reporting food poisoning cases

Concerned about procedures for reporting food poisoning cases

Thursday, 9 April 2009

Gerald Giam

I am very concerned over what seems to be a lack of efficient procedures in place to avert mass public health tragedies like the recent Geylang Serai rojak stall food poisoning incident.

Three lives have been lost (including one unborn baby), and 146 people have been affected by the food contamination, 48 of whom were hospitalised.

CNA reported that stall patrons started to fall sick between April 2nd (Thu) and 4th (Sat) with food poisoning symptoms such as severe abdominal cramps, vomiting, and diarrhoea. However it was only at 8 am on Sat April 4th that officials from the National Environment Agency (NEA) arrived to shut down the stall.

In another CNA report, a 44-year old woman said she and her mother stopped at the rojak stall for lunch on Friday, and less than six hours later, both women were vomiting and had stomach cramps so severe an ambulance rushed them to Changi General Hospital (CGH). They said it was “mayhem” there and that “there was a huge crowd, many of them holding their stomachs and appearing in pain… I asked around whether they also ate rojak from that stall. They all said yes.”

The woman who miscarried had eaten at the stall on Friday afternoon. She said the rojak smelled unusual, but carried on eating it.

Why did it take so long for NEA to shut down the stall? If people started to fall sick on Thursday, why was the stall allowed to remain open for the entire Friday?

The NEA graded the stall’s hygiene with a “C” grade back in December. While I do not expect NEA officers to check on the stall every day, given the barely passing grade the stall achieved, I feel it deserved tighter scrutiny from health officials.

One 54-year old housewife said that “environment in the centre (Geylang Serai temporary market) is not very clean. Sometimes there is rubbish around and it is very near to the wet market.”

More importantly, surely there should have been a more efficient mechanism to alert NEA of a stall selling contaminated food. Did the doctors that the victims visited on Thursday report the food poisoning cases to NEA immediately after attending to their patients? Is there even a mechanism to do so?

This serves as a lesson that all cases of food poisoning should be taken very seriously. Victims of food poisoning will almost always know the source of their infection. If doctors are required by law to inform the Ministry of Health when they diagnose infectious diseases like SARS, they should also be required to report any cases of food poisoning to the NEA immediately.

The moment a report is made, NEA officers should be activated immediately to investigate the stall or restaurant, and shut it down if necessary to prevent further cases of poisoning. While this could be quite a strain on resources, it is a necessary investment in the interest of public health.

At the same time, there should be an efficient way for consumers to report contaminated food. Not all food poisoning victims visit doctors, and many would detect bad food from its smell before consuming it. There should be a website or hotline for people to report such incidences easily. A general number or website feedback form does not really suffice, given the urgency in which such reports must be acted upon.

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Gold ain't what it was in Goldfinger

Gold ain't what it was in Goldfinger

Gold is no longer what it used to be when Ian Fleming wrote Goldfinger or Sean Connery starred in the film with Honor Blackman playing Pussy Galore in 1964.

Consider the plot: Goldfinger plans to steal the gold in Fort Knox.

What's at stake is the entire world economy.

For Fort Knox contains the American gold pile that underwrites the global monetary system.

That was really true back then.

The price of gold was fixed at $35 an ounce.

The US government was committed to converting dollars into gold at that price. That was part of the Bretton Woods international monetary system introduced at the end of the Second World War. There were fixed currency exchange rates pegged to the dollar and gold.

Goldfinger's plan to steal the gold from Fort Knox threatened to wreck the international monetary system. Of course, he was in league with the nefarious SMERSH, the Soviet counterintelligence agency.

Now the Russians along with the Chinese want the dollar replaced with a new global reserve currency.

But that's another story – for the dollar is no longer what it used to be, nor is the gold.

The Nixon revolution

The man who changed it all – President Richard Nixon.

He is now remembered for the Watergate scandal and pingpong diplomacy bringing America and China together.

But Nixon also changed the Bretton Woods international monetary system in 1971. He "decoupled" the dollar from the gold, abandoning the commitment to convert gold into dollars at $35 an ounce.

That affected the entire monetary system.

Why did Nixon do it?

Because US gold reserves were down and America was on the verge of running its first trade deficit in more than 75 years, says Wikipedia. The US dollar was overpriced and other currencies such as the Japanese yen undervalued. The fixed exchange rate did not reflect the strength of currencies such as Japan's which had flourished on trade with America.

The former Economist editor Bill Emmott describes the background – the Vietnam war, political friction between America and Japan on trade matters – that led to the change and its effect on Japan.

Bill Emmott writes in Rivals: How The Power Struggle Between China, India and Japan Will Shape Our Next Decade, published last year:

In 1970 Japan's investment rate was at its peak at 40% of GDP; its rapid industrial growth was causing severe problems of pollution; its current account surplus grew to more than 2% of GDP, and its currency came to look especially undervalued. That surplus sounds small by today's Chinese standards. But at the time, exchange rates were fixed against the dollar and gold under the system agreed at Bretton Woods at the end of the Second World War, and capital did not move as freely as it does now, making surpluses and deficits as large as China's and America's of 2000-2007 simply impossible. But, in 1968-71, Japan's surplus and America's deficit still caused a considerable amount of political friction, as America struggled to finance its war in Vietnam.

It was in 1971 that Japan's enjoyment of a fixed and undervalued yen came to a sudden end when President Richard Nixon unilaterally abandoned the Bretton Woods system and forced other countries to negotiate revaluations of their exchange rates with the dollar. That shock for Japan was followed by a second blow, the sharp hike in oil prices thanks to the Arab oil embargo in 1973, which also caused inflation in Japan. The combination of those two shocks forced a change: investment gradually came to play a smaller part in the Japanese economy, industry moved upmarket and out of low-tech goods, and a sizeable public deficit was used to support the economy during the transition.

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Won't Get Fooled Again: Just right for G20

Won't Get Fooled Again: Just right for G20

The G20 summit in London last week reminded me of this song by The Who – Won't Get Fooled Again. The summit communique promised to tighten financial regulations so people don't fooled again and the world is saved from another economic collapse like the one we are witnessing now. The summit also issued an explanatory guide.

But it's best to take such resolutions with a grain of salt. For lightning never strikes twice in the same place. This time it was the subprime crisis that brought the global economy down. Earlier there was the dotcom bubble, which burst in March 2000 when the NASDAQ collapsed, and before that the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Who knows what will cause the next crash?

The Who's Won't Get Fooled Again has a healthy dose of scepticism. (The lyrics are at the end of this post.)

Incidentally, the Who -- much older -- performed Won't Get Fooled Again at the Live 8 concert in July 2005 to mark the G8 summit To Make Poverty History. It didn't.

A good read that recaptures that era is Ian Rankin's Inspector Rebus mystery, The Naming Of The Dead.

But there is another reason why this song seems so appropriate to the times.

Won't Get Fooled Again appeared on the album, Who's Next, in 1971, according to Wikipedia.

1971 – that was a watershed year.

It was not just the year of the Bangladesh War.

1971 also saw a fundamental change in the international monetary system. It was more radical than what the G20 promised or delivered.

China now wants the dollar to be replaced by a new global reserve currency.

Something just as big happened in 1971. It involved the dollar and the gold – and President Richard Nixon.

Nixon is now remembered for the Watergate scandal and ping-pong diplomacy bringing together America and China.

He also changed the Bretton Woods international monetary system. See the post below.

Now back to the song and it's lyrics…

Won't Get Fooled Again

And the world looks just the same
And history ain't changed
'Cause the banners, they all flown in the last war
I'll tip my hat to the new constitution
Take a bow for the new revolution
Smile and grin at the change all around me
Pick up my guitar and play
Just like yesterday
No, no!
I'll move myself and my family aside
If we happen to be left half alive
I'll get all my papers and smile at the sky
For I know that the hypnotized never lie
Do ya?
YAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAH!
There's nothing in the street
Looks any different to me
And the slogans are replaced, by-the-bye
And the parting on the left
Is now the parting on the right
And the beards have all grown longer overnight
I'll tip my hat to the new constitution
Take a bow for the new revolution
Smile and grin at the change all around me
Pick up my guitar and play
Just like yesterday
Then I'll get on my knees and pray
We don't get fooled again
Don't get fooled again
No, no!
YAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAH!
Meet the new boss
Same as the old boss

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The NMP who wants you to speak up

The NMP who wants you to speak up

NOMINATED Member of Parliament Siew Kum Hong, 34, had a new insight into the Singaporean psyche when he helped conduct a street poll last year.

He stopped Singaporeans in various parts of Jurong group representation constituency (GRC) and asked them if they thought there should be a by-election after one of their Members of Parliament, Dr Ong Chit Chung, died.

The reactions floored him.

Some just waved him off and said: ‘Don’t know.’

‘Others went: ‘Oh, got MP die ah?’,’ he recalls. ‘That was not surprising because many Singaporeans don’t even know who their MPs are.’

He was, however, perturbed by the many who knew but did not want, or dare, to respond. This group included those who thought that he and his fellow interviewers were from the People’s Action Party (PAP).

‘It never occurred to me that they would say: ‘I don’t want to talk to you guys, you are from the Government’. It’s amazing. Across the spectrum, Singaporeans are so afraid of so many different things.’

In the end, his poll showed that 56.8 per cent of 300 Jurong residents wanted a by-election.

The episode also made him realise one other thing: ‘Grassroots work is really hard, regardless of whether you are pro-government, anti-government or stand on neutral ground.’

The NMP, who announced last week that he is applying for a second term, adds: ‘I don’t think people have a good appreciation of how much time MPs spend on their work.’

It has been more than two years since the corporate counsel with Yahoo! Southeast Asia became an NMP.

He applied for it after being encouraged by friends and readers of a current issues column he used to helm for freesheet Today.

Introduced in 1990, the idea behind the NMP scheme is to allow citizens without party affiliation to take part in parliamentary debates without having to go through the electoral process. They are selected by a Parliamentary Select Committee; the most recent comprised eight MPs including one from the opposition.

When asked to assess his own performance so far, he says: ‘I hope I have been a credible speaker. I hope I have shown that there are some things that an NMP can do. And I hope I have made a political contribution.’

‘If Singaporeans believe in active citizenry, they need to speak up,’ he says.

He certainly has. In fact, he has earned a reputation for being one of Parliament’s most outspoken speakers - some say, even more vociferous than the opposition.

He has initiated debate on a whole range of ‘hot button’ issues - from ministerial salaries to the Films Act.

In October 2007, he tabled a petition to have Section 377A - which criminalises sex between consenting males - repealed. Although the petition was not successful, it launched a heated parliamentary debate which spilled out into the public domain - different speakers shepherded moral, intellectual and emotional arguments to argue for or against homosexuality.

In a blog entry on the saga, Mr Siew made it very clear why he launched the petition.

‘I really do it for myself, not for gays. If I have the opportunity to articulate my views but do not, then I would have let myself down.’

He tells The Straits Times: ‘If you don’t speak up politically, you won’t speak up in other areas in your life. You won’t tell your boss: ‘I think this thing would not work’.’

The Raffles Institution and Raffles Junior College alumnus reckons his ‘atypical education’ helped develop his questioning nature. He was picked to be in the gifted programme when he was in Primary 4 at Rosyth Primary School.

‘I was in the second batch of the gifted programme. The teachers were still experimenting as they went along. At that time, it wasn’t so rigorous and gave me the time and space to grow at my own pace,’ says the youngest of three children of an information technology manager and a hawker. His elder brother, 38, is an officer in the Singapore Armed Forces, and his sister, 36, is an operations manager in the oil and gas industry.

He says his political consciousness took root during his teenage years. It grew stronger after he became a law undergraduate at the National University of Singapore, when he spent a lot of time on the Internet, posting opinions and letters on websites such as soc.culture and Singapore21.

‘I also wrote many letters to the Forum pages. Quite a few of them took issue with government policies,’ he recalls.

After graduating, Mr Siew - who specialised in IP (intellectual property) and technology law at Rajah and Tann where he worked for four years - considered emigrating to New York for its more liberal arts and cultural scene.

But he stayed on, after realising that ‘maybe this place meant more to me than I thought, and maybe the other place wasn’t really as as attractive as I thought it was’.

‘Being Singaporean was an accident of birth. I was born here, I grew up here and I’ve benefited from being here. So I feel an affinity to this place, and owe it to myself and my country to do something.’

People, he says, often ask him if he has been hauled up for saying the things he does.

Even his mother, aged 61, gets worried sometimes. ‘She asked me: ‘Why do you always scold the Government? Lianhe Zaobao said you said this and your voice was loud and ringing and clear’,’ he says.

‘But nothing has happened to me. I don’t feel I’m under any surveillance. I don’t think my phone’s tapped,’ he says. ‘Just have the confidence that you’re sincere and honest, and reasoned. You can be controversial but be polite.’

Which is not to say he does not feel fear.

‘There is fear but I try to override that,’ he says, citing his questioning of the poor returns of CPF investments by the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) in September 2007.

‘The chairman of the GIC was there, the Minister Mentor was there. I was so petrified that MM would stand up and point out mistakes in my figures. But he didn’t.’

He adds: ‘I think you just need to be a man and get past the fear. What’s the worst that could happen? If he had stood up and corrected me, I would just look stupid. It’s not the end of the world to look stupid.’

He realises that some hardcore Government supporters may see him as cynical because of the issues he raises. ‘But the question is whether I am sincere, and I am. I say what I believe in, and I believe in what I say,’ he says.

That is why he is running for a second term even though, on principle, he is against the NMP scheme.

‘There is always the accountability question. You are not accountable to anyone since you are not elected,’ he says, adding that he started his blog (http://siewkumhong.blogspot.com/) to impose some degree of accountability on himself.

On the blog, he posts his speeches, questions and other material ‘in an attempt to be transparent’. Readers post their comments, and he replies to their queries. ‘If they are interested, people can see what I am saying and the responses I am getting, and whether I am making sense.’

He does not agree with the way NMPs are segmented, and tend to be pigeon-holed according to the issues they are supposed to represent, such as social services or the arts.

‘Inadvertently, you are boxing people into an area, and making them feel that they do not have the right to talk out of that box. Jessie, for instance, has a lot of things to say but she limits herself to sports,’ he says of fellow NMP Jessie Phua, who is the president of the Singapore Bowling Federation.

‘You should trust that MPs are smart people who have lots to contribute in all areas.’

In more ways than one, he says he is not ‘your typical NMP’. ‘A lot of them are establishment figures who have done grassroots work. I came in from the cold,’ he says.

He describes himself as strictly non-partisan, even where his interests lie. ‘I have made it very clear that I do not represent or pledge allegiance to any specific group,’ he says.

Therefore, he maintains, electoral politics are not for him.

‘If I go in, I go in to win. But if you play to win, you have to say things that you don’t believe in. That is the reality of electoral politics.’

He adds: ‘You can say all you want about being a constructive opposition, but you will have to snipe especially over popular issues.’ He insists he will not, on principle, criticise the goods and services tax (GST) or other things the ruling party has done right.

‘If you read all the literature, economists all support indirect taxation, and say that it’s the way to go, up to a certain point of course. And 7 per cent is not high.’

Anyway, he doesn’t think the PAP would ask him to its tea parties.

‘There’s certainly a seductive quality about change from within,’ he concedes. ‘But on the other hand, there are some fundamental things I disagree with such as the lawsuits and defamation schemes used to suppress dissenting views.

An MP’s job, he says, ‘is also a big one’.

‘Can I actually deliver and perform if I were seen as the party? I think I can contribute better, and more, from where I am,’ he says.

Two years as an NMP, he says, have made him realise several things.

‘A lot of people talk a lot, but not many would want to step forward, be counted or get their hands dirty.’

The barriers of entry, he adds, are much lower on the Internet where people gripe and take potshots at issues and people beneath the cloak of anonymity.

‘If you feel so strongly about something, come out and do it. Don’t just complain. Come out of your comfort zone.’

He says Singaporeans sometimes give MPs - whether elected or non-elected - less credit than they deserve.

‘I think we are all in the House trying our best to make a better Singapore. Of course, there are differences in how we get there, but that purity of purpose is what I think is important.’

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The futility of speaking up in a totalitarian one-party state

The futility of speaking up in a totalitarian one-party state

In a full page interview with the Straits Times, NMP Siew Kum Hong urged Singaporeans to speak up if they believe in active citizenry.

With due respect to Mr Siew, he is one of the more credible NMPs around. In fact he initiated many debates on controversial issues which the elected opposition MPs had conveniently chosen to turn a blind eye to such as the losses incurred by GIC.

Though he had earned himself a reputation as an outspoken NMP, what did he achieve politically in the end? In spite of the issues he had raised which were debated in Parliament and given extensive publicity by the media, the status quo remains.

Nothing ever changes in Singapore once the ruling party has made a decision. Parliament is a mere “wayang” which they can easily do without. What’s Parliament to them when they can decide whether it is in their interest to hold a by-election? What’s there to “debate” when the key decision-makers had already made a decision?

Active citizenry is a myth in a totalitarian one-party state like Singapore where the rubber-stamp Parliament passes legislation according to the wimps and fancies of a tinpot dictator with scant regards for public opinion.

When the Prime Minister first mooted the idea of setting up casinos in Singapore, there was a huge backlash. Many MPs, including some vocal PAP backbenchers voiced their opposition against the proposal. What happened eventually? They simply bull-doze it through.

Again in 2007, there was widespread opposition to the PAP’s proposal of raising their own salaries by over 80% to peg it to the 8 highest earners in the private sector. There was literally no support on the ground even from the PAP grassroots. So what? The unpalatable pay hike was still forced down our throats.

Let’s admit it. The PAP HATES active citizenry. It doesn’t like any form of opposition to its rule. All it ever wanted is to have a subservient, docile and in a way brainless, unquestioning and unthinking populace to make life easier for itself. Since they work solely on “trust”, we are expected to trust them to run the country with little accountability or transparency.

The interview with NMP Siew is nothing more but another publicity gimmick of the state-controlled media to paint a positive image of the PAP as an understanding, tolerant and liberal government.

Mr Siew quoted himself as an example to insinuate that as long one is sincere, honest, and polite, the PAP will reciprocate in kind. Has he forgotten about Francis Seow, Jeyaretnam and Tang Liang Hong?

The PAP is not fixing Siew yet because he is not a threat to them. If Siew set up his own political party and start campaigning for the PAP system to be overhauled like Jeyaretnam, he will find his trivial mistakes made 10 years ago being dredged out, sensationalized and he will soon be out of job.

There’s no need to be polite with political hooligans like some leaders in the PAP. We speak up not to engage them, but to expose and embarrass them for who they really are - a bunch of shameless shenigans taking taxpayers’ monies to serve their own party’s partisan interest at the expense of Singapore’s.

For those of you who disagree with me, ask yourself why so few Singaporeans are willing to step forward to join politics. The PAP can easily solve the problem by abolishing the GRC system, refrain from launching defamation suits against opponents and liberalize the media. It is absolutely in the interest of Singapore to have a more pluralistic political landscape, but of course it is against the PAP’s own interest to do so. What is good for the nation isn’t necessarily good for the party and when a choice has to be made, the party’s interest will easily override that of the nation anytime.

While I respect NMP Siew for his courage to step forward, I do not share his enthusiasm and belief that speaking up will make any difference in a totalitarian one-party stalinist state like Singapore where the seat of power still lie pretty much in the hands of one power-hungry man who simply refuse to go away though he has overstayed his welcome.

Not too long ago, the Malaysian Barisan government behaves like a rogue state to its own citizens like the PAP government too, ignoring the pleas from the ethnic minorities to perpetuate racist policies in order to maintain its political hegemony.

After its customary two-thirds majority was denied by the opposition in the general election last year, it now has to eat the humble pie and listen to the electorate. It is even singing the tune of the opposition in a desperate attempt to win back lost ground.

The only way to make the PAP sit up and listen to us is to vote in enough opposition into Parliament to deny them their customary two-thirds majority. Only then will the PAP MPs start to pay attention to what NMP Siew is saying. Otherwise he is merely speaking to a stone wall.

When will we have a strong, credible and fearless opposition in Parliament to check on the PAP? It will forever be a dream unless the PAP system is completely dismantled and the people will have to heap political pressure on the PAP either to reform itself or get forced out of office by the sheer might of People Power which explains why ridiculous laws will be introduced soon to forbid public assembly of one person. (this is not a grammer mistake, it is the truth)

We do not believe in engaging the PAP and neither do we encourage netizens to step out of the cloak of anonymity to score some meaningless “credibility” points. It is a pure waste of time and will defeat the purpose instead as it will inevitably cause one to impose self-censorship on one’s speech.

Speak up only when we have real bargaining power in Parliament and not now under the thumb of a fascist state which pays lip service to democracy and will not hesitate to ride roughshod over us as and when it desires.

We have a Prime Minister who openly proclaimed he will fix the opposition if more of them were to be elected into Parliament, one who defended the merits of a one-party state and whose father threatened to send in the army if the opposition gains power via a “freak election”.

A leopard never changes its spots, and don’t pin any hopes on its cub too. I sincerely wish NMP Siew all the best in his second application for another NMP term. Unfortunately, his presence will do nothing more other than putting the opposition MPs like Low Thia Kiang to shame.

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