Saturday, May 16, 2009

DPM Wong Kan Seng on pushing civil society limits

DPM Wong Kan Seng on pushing civil society limits
Express views, but be mindful of sensitivities
DEPUTY Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng has spoken up on several issues arising from the recent tussle over women's advocacy group Aware.
16 May 2009

DEPUTY Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng has spoken up on several issues arising from the recent tussle over women's advocacy group Aware.

He responded yesterday to questions fielded by The Straits Times, on issues including homosexuality, government intervention and pushing boundaries.

Here are excerpts of his replies:

On homosexuality

'They (homosexuals) have a place in our society and are entitled to their private lives.

'This is the way the majority of Singaporeans want it to be - a stable society with traditional, heterosexual family values but with space for homosexuals to live their private lives and contribute to society.'

On pushing boundaries

'Our society will not reach consensus on this issue (homosexuality) for a very long time to come.

'The way for homosexuals to have space in our society is to accept the informal limits which reflect the point of balance that our society can accept, and not to assert themselves stridently as gay groups do in the West.'

On government intervention and public perception

'The Government has been very careful in its comments, especially before the EGM, as it did not want to be misunderstood as taking sides...

'However, the Government was worried about the disquieting public perception that a group of conservative Christians, all attending the same church, which held strong views on homosexuality, had moved in and taken over Aware because they disapproved of what Aware had been doing...'

'I was grateful therefore that Dr John Chew of the National Council of Churches of Singapore (NCCS) issued a clear statement that the NCCS does not condone churches getting involved in the Aware dispute.'

On rules of engagement for religious groups

'Religious individuals have the same rights as any citizen to express their views on issues in the public space, as guided by their teachings and personal conscience.

'However, like every citizen, they should always be mindful of the sensitivities of living in a multi-religious society...

'If religious groups start to campaign to change certain government policies, or use the pulpit to mobilise their followers to pressure the Government, or push aggressively to gain ground at the expense of other groups, this must lead to trouble.

'Keeping religion and politics separate is a key rule of political engagement.'

On need for political arena to be secular

'Our political arena must always be a secular one. Our laws and policies do not derive from religious authority, but reflect the judgments and decisions of the secular government and Parliament to serve the national interest and collective good.

'These laws and public policies apply equally to all, regardless of one's race, religion or social status.

'This gives confidence that the system will give equal treatment and protection for all, regardless of which group one happens to belong to.'

On Aware saga's impact on civil society

'Many different communities share this tiny island. If our diversity is not to become a source of weakness, we must manage such disagreements in a responsible and balanced manner...

'The Government has to maintain order, and hold the ring impartially.

'It encourages the development of civic society, and gradual widening of the OB markers.

'But it will not stand by and watch when intemperate activism threatens our social fabric.'

On observing balance and moderation

'On the whole, our religious communities have played a positive role in our society.

'The maturity of our religious leaders and the restraint and sense of responsibility of their followers have helped to make this a communally peaceful society. We must keep it that way by observing the rules of engagement.

'This applies also to the media. The media plays an important role reporting on the issues, the groups and the personalities involved. They need to do so dispassionately and impartially...'


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What A Complete Balls Up!

What A Complete Balls Up!

BofA2
Investment strategy is not that difficult to grasp. You buy low, and sell high.

On 7 Feb 2009, the minister mentor Lee Kuan Yew told 1,500 of his Tanjong Pagar constituents at a Lunar New Year dinner that the Singapore government turned many of its stocks and shares into cash early last year before prices went down and invested in the American banks. Mr Lee explained: “When we invest, we are investing for 10, 15, 20 years. You may look as if you are making a big loss today, but you have not borrowed money to invest. You will ride the storm, the company recovers, your shares go up.”

A Form 13F filing to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission has revealed that Temasek no longer held shares in Bank of America(BofA) or Merrill Lynch as of March 31. Reuters cited a source briefed on the deal saying that the shares were sold for between US$2.53 and US$14.81 in the first quarter. Based on a Reuters calculation which assumed an average price of US$8.67, Temasek may have suffered a loss of about US$4.26 billion. The loss on the BofA shares adds to the $2 billion paper loss Temasek took when it converted Merrill shares into 189 million BofA shares. The BofA stake sale was confirmed by a Temasek spokeswoman on Friday, but she declined to reveal the average price it got for its 188.8 million shares or why or exactly when it was sold. An important question that begs asking: who has the balls to reverse Lee Kuan Yew’s long term investment strategy?

And there is the question of timing. Temasek unloaded all its shares by the end of the first quarter of this year, just before an April rally that saw BofA shares double from US$7 to US$14. Only 3 days ago, US Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner was quoted as saying that the US Financial system has completed a big part of a painful adjustment away from its excessively leverage state, and was “starting to heal”. None of the other sovereign wealth funds that had bought into the investment banks has exited their investments. So who exactly in Temasek is trying be smarter than Geithner? As Song Seng Wun, chief executive of CIMB Research in Singapore, told Reuters: “It seems they feel the China growth story is better than the ‘green shoots’ of recovery in the US”.

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Fed plays proxy for China

May 16, 2009

Fed plays proxy for China
By W Joseph Stroupe

Both the US Federal Reserve and the bond markets have a vested interest in seeing yields on Treasuries of all stripes remain very low, and this is especially so when it comes to the longer-dated assets. Low yields tend to keep the costs for financing government spending low.

Since quite a number of loan rates, such as home mortgages, are tied to the yield on certain Treasuries, low yields tend to bring down interest rates on key consumer and business borrowing, which then tends to liven-up seized credit. Holders of Treasuries, especially the longer-dated assets, don't want to see yields rise because that eats away at the value of their holdings. So, if the interests of the Fed and those of the bond markets coincide on low yields, where's the clash of wills between the two parties?

The clash of wills occurs over the issue of which side is going to act to keep the yields low, and over how much each side is willing to do, and when, in order to accomplish that aim. Fundamentally, if the bond markets step up to buy the longer-dated assets, meaning that demand runs high, then yields will be kept low. The converse is true; if the bond markets aren't willing to buy Treasuries at the target yield preferred by the Fed and Treasury, meaning that market demand is running lower, then yields will have to rise. Thus, the role the markets play is very potent - they are the ultimate deciders as to where yields will be.

However, with the Fed now agreeing to buy longer-dated Treasuries and other bonds and thus to stand in artificially for the markets to some extent (called quantitative easing - QE), the Fed has invested in itself the power to determine more directly where yields will be. But please note this important truth - it is the markets that forced the Fed's hand to do so, by refusing to buy sufficient sums of the longer-dated assets so as to keep their yields low.

Thus, the markets have, in effect, succeeded in turning the Fed into their own proxy, one that is low-cost and low-risk for the markets themselves. The Fed has thus succumbed to market pressures in a very significant way. It had little or no choice but to do so if it wanted to bring yields and interest rates low in order to try to get the financial and economic sectors moving again.

With QE barely more than one month old, yields on the longer-dated Treasuries have climbed above where they were before the Fed embarked upon the QE path. Hence, the bond markets are balking at purchasing sufficient sums of these assets so as to keep their yields low. And so far, the Fed has not announced that it will step up its purchases of these assets in order to drive their yields low again. Thus, the Fed and the bond markets are engaged in a proverbial game of chicken to see which side blinks first. Here is the clash of wills alluded to in the title of this article. Why are the bond markets balking now, putting increasing pressure on the Fed to blink first?

To help answer that important question it is helpful at this point to get some granularity on the answer to the question of who the "bond markets" really predominantly consist of. They include the central banks of Russia, China and much of the rest of the central banks of wealthy Asian powers, as well as rich Middle Eastern regimes, and they also include private investors in these same regions and in the US and Europe as well. Official and private foreign investors in the East traditionally hold the greatest sway in the markets, collectively accounting for the lion's share of holdings of the longer-dated assets. Only very recently have private domestic US investors made a significant showing as the US savings rate has gone from negative territory to plus 4.2% in the past few months, with Treasuries getting the nod.

It is absolutely no coincidence that directly on the heels of the multiple and strident complaints of China's leaders in February and March about the safety of US financial assets, along with a warning to the Barack Obama administration to act so as to protect the value of China's holdings, the Fed announced its QE plan, including the massive purchase of Treasuries, agencies and the like. Therefore, when I stated earlier that "the bond markets" obliged the Fed to embark upon QE, I meant that China's leaders, along with those of Russia and other powers in the East, have primarily been the ones doing so. These potent players within "the bond markets" have made it clear, in various ways, some explicit and some indirect and implicit, that they mean business.

They have been holders of large sums of agency debt (such as bonds from mortgage guarantors Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac), for example. Last summer/autumn, when the financial crisis in the US became very severe, they began dumping large amounts of agencies. Startled, the Fed and Treasury were forced to make explicit the formerly implicit understanding that these would be backstopped by the US government. And when large Wall Street banks began to go down last September, these players withdrew trillions from US financial markets virtually in one day. This led to the emergency rescue interventions by the US government as a tangible signal to "the markets" that the government would "do whatever is necessary" to preserve the financial markets and banks.

Hence, "the markets" (its dominant players being the wealthy rising powers in the East) have adequately demonstrated that their threats, whether explicit or implicit, aren't empty ones. Therefore, the implied threat to begin to divest of Treasuries and other dollar-denominated financial assets if the US government failed to protect their safety was not, and is not, an empty threat.

No one in Washington was insane enough to call the bluff of China and others in March this year. The profoundly weakened US economy and financial system could not at present endure a contest of wills with the East. So, no one in Washington had the stomach for putting to the test the popular notion that China and others in the East are stuck with the dollar and therefore could not even begin to divest of US financial assets without hurting themselves as much as they would hurt the US

Russia, China and other holders of agency debt continue to sell off these holdings, converting them mostly into very short-dated Treasuries. The move by the US government to backstop these assets (agencies) and also for the Fed to buy large sums of such bonds back from "the markets" has stemmed (temporarily) losses and has afforded the East this opportunity to divest. "The markets" are thus winning that round in the clash of wills with the Fed.

A second proxy in the East?
That brings us to the matter of Treasuries. The Fed wants "the markets" to step up to buy the longer-dated assets in sufficient sums so as to drive yields down and keep them there, but that simply isn't happening yet. The East already holds far too many of such longer-dated assets that are much more sensitive to yield/interest rate rises and which are therefore more risky. They want to hold less, not more of these assets.

But with respect to the new factor of domestic US investors that are now moving into Treasuries, these investors might already be acting, unknowingly, as yet another, new proxy for the East, one that only further affords the East an opportunity to exploit the bond markets for its strategic goals. So, for the most part, foreign private and foreign official investors are buying the very short-dated assets, as these are mostly immune to yield / interest rate rises and also afford high liquidity, and thus the ability to sprint quickly into other assets if the opportunity and/or need arise. Foreigners are shrewdly leaving the longer-dated assets to their de facto proxies (the Fed and domestic US investors) to buy.

The supply of the longer-dated Treasuries is massively increasing as the US government attempts to sell new debt to cover its ever more gigantic spending programs. These supply concerns, along with the swiftly declining appeal of these assets as a safe store of wealth against the backdrop of mounting inflation concerns, are weighing ever more heavily on all investors, but especially those in the East with large holdings. Additionally, the recent Wall Street rally, along with other tentative signs of a supposed "recovery", have recently made Treasuries less appealing as some risk appetite returns to the investor psychology. That has also driven yields up.

If the Fed is to be able to avoid blinking first and agreeing to step up its own purchases of Treasuries, it's going to have to be the new kid on the block, namely domestic US investors, who belly up to the bar to purchase large sums of the longer-dated assets. The Fed may be waiting to see if that will happen before deciding to step up its own purchases. Or, it may decide to step up its own purchases in the hope that will spur the new kid on the block to follow suit.

If the yield on these assets climbs much farther, domestic investors might buy, and then realize profits on their holdings as their collective purchases drive yields down again. If new turmoil arises in the US banking sector, domestic investors might well pull money out of banking shares and buy longer-dated Treasuries in a renewed risk aversion reflex.

Questions do remain about the ability of domestic private US investors to keep funding the Treasury in view of the massive issuance of new debt coming online and the decline in the employment rolls and in wage income. Nevertheless, if the new kid on the block wants to step to the forefront of the Treasuries game, no complaints will be heard coming from foreign investors, who will undoubtedly seize the opportunity to further roll over their own holdings of the longer-dated assets into very short-dated ones.

These foreign investors may well have calculated that if they hold back from buying such assets, the Fed and/or domestic US investors will stand in for them, working (mostly unknowingly) to protect their holdings and giving them an opportunity to convert these into safer assets. It's probably a very smart calculation.

If domestic US investors show more ability to fund the Treasury than predicted, and as the Fed buys more and more Treasuries under QE, then a period may well ensue in which the importance of foreign private and official investors declines with respect to lending to the US This period may already be beginning. Such a decline in their role and importance would be temporary (perhaps lasting from several months to a year or two), but might well become a valuable window of opportunity for such foreign investors to make accelerated moves to decrease their exposure to the dollar without triggering a dollar rout, since the Fed and domestic US investors would carry more weight in keeping the dollar afloat, temporarily alleviating the key role of foreigners in that regard.

The buying of longer-dated Treasuries by the Fed and potentially by domestic US investors would have the desirable effect of lengthening (flattening) the presently steep yield curve on sovereign US debt, making it both easier and cheaper for the Treasury to roll over the huge sums of maturing short-dated debt into longer-dated debt. That would also work to buy some time for the East to convert longer-dated assets into short-dated assets as its two de facto proxies (the Fed and US investors) carry the load of flattening out the yield curve and keeping longer-dated yields low.

The ultimate victor in the Fed/bond-market clash of wills will be the clever players in the East who see their holdings protected, at little cost and relatively low risk to themselves, while they work at an accelerated rate and in a multipronged strategy to divest of the riskier assets, accomplishing a sufficient measure of reduction of their exposure to dollar risk before the currency takes the awful brunt of the exceedingly dollar-debasing policies enacted in Washington during this crisis.

W Joseph Stroupe is a strategic forecasting expert and editor of Global Events Magazine online at www.globaleventsmagazine.com

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Tiananmen's legacy lingers

May 16, 2009
Tiananmen's legacy lingers
By Verna Yu

HONG KONG - The June 4 crackdown in Beijing's Tiananmen Square on pro-democracy protesters 20 years ago brought an abrupt halt to China's fledgling political reforms, shored up authoritarian rule and steered the country onto a path which partly led to crony capitalism, rampant corruption and social instability.

The 1989 student-led Tiananmen movement, which called for freedom, democratic reform and a clampdown on official corruption, ended when the Chinese government sent in armed soldiers and tanks to crush the protest, killing scores of civilians.

In the aftermath of the crackdown, political reforms in the making were stalled; press law legislation was quashed and the consensus reached at the 13th Communist Party Congress in 1987 to separate the functions of the party and government was abandoned.

With the reform-minded leaders and cadres purged - deposed party general secretary Zhao Ziyang was kept under house arrest for nearly 16 years until his death in 2005, while his top aide, Bao Tong, was jailed for seven years - politics in China took a sharp turn.

"In the 1980s, the direction of our development was quite clear, but after the June 4 incident the tide was turned," said dissident writer Chen Ziming, who was accused of helping organize the Tiananmen protests and sentenced to 13 years in jail after the crackdown. "Constitutional democracy has not been talked about for 20 years since then, not one measure of political reform has been discussed."

Political reform has since become a sensitive topic. Having to justify the legitimacy of its rule and maintain social stability in the aftermath of the crackdown, paramount leader Deng Xiaoping resorted to a strategy of high-speed economic development.

But one-party rule remained and market reforms were only partially carried out, with the state still maintaining control of lucrative economic sectors.

“Political reform was stopped and never resumed, but economic reform continued so their developments were out of sync - while one wheel was turning, the other basically stalled and lagged behind for 20 years,” said Zhang Lifan, a historian with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

"Official corruption got worse, because there was no political or legal mechanism to keep it in check," he said.

China's stellar economic performance during the past two decades has indeed been touted as a success and a model for other developing countries, but analysts say unbridled economic development amid the lack of democratic reforms under an authoritarian regime has also planted the seeds of corruption, a yawning rich-poor gap and social instability.

"They realized that they would not be able to survive if they couldn't deliver economic growth," said veteran Hong Kong journalist Ching Cheong, who was in Beijing covering the pro-democracy movement in 1989. "But to maintain their power they became politically very conservative and this resulted in a development model that is economically free and politically repressive."

The combination of a market economy and unchecked political power is a lethal one: the majority of society's wealth is taken up by a small elite class of the powerful and well-connected while ordinary people end up having to pay a high price for the economic boom.

"The result is that it has formed a class that enjoys special privileges and can trade their political power for money," Chen said. "This has formed a confrontational situation with ordinary people."

Masses of workers are made redundant with little compensation as state assets are sold to powerful and well-connected individuals at a huge discount; millions are thrown out of their homes and have lost their livelihoods as vast areas of rural and urban land is sold off to property developers by officials who take their bribes.

According to an official research report in 2006, 90% of China's rich list - those who owned assets over 100 million yuan (US$15 million) - are the offspring of senior officials.

China also has one of the largest rich-poor gaps in the world: official data from 2007 showed China's Gini coefficient, which measures the inequality of income distribution, has surpassed the warning level of 0.4. According to figures compiled by the World Bank and the Chinese government, less than 1% of Chinese households enjoy more than 60% of the country's wealth.

The inequality has fueled anger and discontent among ordinary Chinese people - tens of thousands of ex-workers of state-owned factories still petition the government over jobs losses, while even more are up in arms over having their farmland or properties forcefully taken from them.

According to unofficial estimates, there are at least 100,000 "mass incidents" - ie riots, strikes or street protests - happening across China every year.

But even though the government knows that rampant corruption is often the root of these protests, it regards the protests themselves as "destabilizing elements" that need to be nipped in the bud. Under Deng's dictum of "development is the core value" (fazhan shi ying daoli) the ordinary people's rights and the cost to the environment often have to be sacrificed.

"The speedy development is built upon a situation where resistance is not tolerated, and a small group of people are allowed to exploit farmers and the environment," said Ching Cheong.

Every year millions of so-called petitioners from all over the country - many of whom had their land confiscated or houses demolished with little or no compensation - try to go to Beijing to air their grievances to the central government. But most end up detained, while some are even beaten and tortured.

"To deal with unfettered market forces, society needs mechanisms of self protection - but these are considered [by the government to be] destabilizing or hostile forces," said Chen.

Ideologically, things also took a dramatic turn after the Tiananmen crackdown. Whereas pluralism and liberalization were encouraged in the brief reform period in the mid-1980s, after the crackdown China abandoned its pursuit of liberal mainstream values such as democracy and freedom.

In the few years before the Tiananmen incident in 1989, Chinese people were able to enjoy a brief period of relative political freedom. Books and magazines were allowed to be published by non-government organizations, intellectuals were able to express their views openly without fear and opinions aired in the ubiquitous salons were often taken up by the then reformist-minded officials.

All that came to a sudden halt after the crackdown: the authorities issued arrest warrants for liberal intellectuals, magazines and publishing houses were closed and the vibrant salon scene vanished overnight.

Amid the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, the government instead looked to nationalism and Confucianism as a uniting force to secure the loyalty of its people.

"People's faith in communism has collapsed and they need to fill that void," said Ching Cheong. "We could see a return to the traditional Confucian culture from Marxism and Leninism, at the same time, nationalism has replaced internationalism."

Analysts say that from then on, the regime was preoccupied with safeguarding their one-party rule and subsequent policies have been centered on this purpose. China was no longer willing to assimilate into the mainstream of modern civilization and there was little tolerance for voices of dissent.

The suppression of Charter 08, a high-profile signature campaign late last year that called for more freedoms and political reform, is just one example showing that rights issues still touch a raw nerve with the Chinese government. Most signatories were questioned by the authorities over their involvement.

"Efforts to stifle public opinion have been developing at an incredible speed," Chen said. "They are putting more and more energy into suppressing society's dynamism and resisting the emergence of destabilizing forces."

China spends a hefty amount of resources on public security. Around sensitive anniversaries, Beijing's main streets are heavily guarded by large numbers of police officers, paramilitary and security forces. It also invests heavily on filtering and policing the Internet, with an estimated 50,000 cyber-police monitoring the web.

But this so-called China development model has been touted as a success and is even seen as an alternative model for other developing countries. "Its success is that it's relatively stable, and under this stability, the economy is able to develop quickly,'' said Ching Cheong. "But is this a sustainable model? I'm very dubious of that."

Analysts say China is prevented from achieving its full economic potential by its capitalist cronyism and the lack of political and social freedoms its people have. Corruption fuels widespread discontent among its people and is rapidly eroding the legitimacy of the Communist Party's rule.

But at least for now, even with tens of thousands of street protests every year, ordinary Chinese still have little bargaining power and the government is unlikely to share its power with them any time soon.

"I can't see the regime getting threatened," said veteran journalist Willy Lam, who witnessed the Tiananmen crackdown. "Its state machine, the monitoring and suppression machines are so huge that even with 100,000 mass incidents every year ... it's not enough to make its leaders feel the need for reform."

Verna Yu is a Hong Kong-based journalist.


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Yes, Malaysia boleh

Saturday May 16, 2009
Yes, Malaysia boleh

INSIGHT DOWN SOUTH
By SEAH CHIANG NEE

I DIDN’T think I’d ever write this, but Malaysia boleh! This simple accolade paid by a Singaporean reflected a general feeling here for Malaysia – especially its police force – after it captured the republic’s most dangerous man in Johor.

He is the alleged Jemaah Islamiah leader Mas Selamat Kastari, who was picked up by the Special Branch in Johor with the help of intelligence given by Singapore and Indo-nesia.

The 48-year-old terrorist suspect, who once plotted to crash a commercial plane into Changi Interna- tional Airport, had escaped from high-security detention a year ago.

His recapture – like his escape 13 months ago – was a big story here.

His photograph had been posted everywhere and thousands of Singaporean policemen and troops had scoured the island in search of him.

Understandably, the relief was immense and it can be gleaned from chat-sites. The newspapers carried reams of reports.

The following are samples of comments:

> “Thankful for the Malaysian Police Force for helping to keep the region safe ... they certainly won my respect, salute!”

> “We must certainly thank our neighbour for the excellent work done. Safety and security of our nation must never be compromised.”

> “Well done Malaysian and Singapore Special Branch. We must thank our neighbour for the excellent work done.”

> “Hope this is a big lesson to Singapore. Please don’t mock our neighbours again, as both Indonesia and Malaysia have captured someone whom we cannot even hold.”

> “We should stop being over-suspicious of our neighbours and stop spreading talk like higher crime rate in Johor Baru, etc.”

> “The Malaysian Police may be accused of corruption and being inefficient, but the fact that they caught Mas Selamat speaks volumes.”

> “Our police couldn’t go to Malay- sia and arrest him, so they could only provide information and let them arrest him.”

In contrast, many of the postings were critical of the authorities here for his escape to Malaysia.

The details of the man and his capture have been widely reported, so I will not repeat them here, except to make a few observations.

Firstly, the accolades were not just perfunctorily given, but were more exuberant than I had expected.

Secondly, the episode is further proof that no matter how bad relations are (they’re now in fine shape), some bilateral areas are never allowed to be affected.

On top of the list is their police force cooperating in combating terrorism, crime and drugs.

Other fields are immigration, tax collection, Customs, health and rescue operations, which both sides are keen to remove from politics.

In other words, no matter how fiery their conflicts grew during the past 43 years, their bureaucrats made sure this cooperation was not compromised.

Thirdly, the warm reactions have brought out the younger people’s changed attitudes towards their northern neighbours that are different from those of the older generation.

As the two countries get older, their populations are gradually leaving behind the bitterness of their separation in 1965.

Connected by regionalism and the Internet, their younger, better-educated generations now share more common values than those that divide them.

They have quick access to what each other says and does every day that makes them less preoccupied with the issues of the past.

Instead they tend to judge each other for perceived merits (like Selamat’s capture) or demerits.

People are seeking opportunities in each other’s territory.

All these are shifting the underlying relationship on the ground level that could influence bilateral politics, and may even overcome the deep chasm posed by race and religion.

The prime ministers, Lee Hsien Loong (aged 57) and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak (aged 56) were born a year apart in 1952 and 1953, respectively.

This means they were merely in their teens, and had just finished secondary school, when Singapore was acrimoniously booted out of the federation in 1965.

After the retirement of Lee Kuan Yew and Datuk Seri (now Tun) Dr Mahathir Mohamad as premiers, none of the current crop of ministers has had any active involvement in the 60s conflicts.

In Asian societies like ours, the attitude of the leaderships towards each other has a trickle-down effect on the rest of the civil service and the people.

Stereotypes die hard, and to an extent, race still exerts a strong influence on present-day behaviour.

The traditional view here has been to regard Malaysia as a Malay-dominated country, while in the opposite direction, Singapore is a Chinese society.

For the young generation of Singaporeans, however, race – while it has not disappeared – has become less of a consideration in their dealings with Malaysians.

A similar change, I believe, is happening among many young Malay-sians of all races.

The factor here is the dilution of the Malay-Chinese conflict within Singapore society itself as a result of the influx of 1.5 million foreigners.

Highly visible everywhere, they are regarded as a serious threat for jobs and opportunities by Singa- poreans of all races.

If there is a them-and-us divide today, it applies to locals against foreigners, when it once was used to refer to Malays and Chinese.

“The strongest complaints against the presence of mainland Chinese today have come from Singaporean Chinese – not Malays,” said a retired banker.

“The perceived threat of the foreigners has become a rallying factor for the once quarrelling races,” he added.

There are, of course, other integrating factors: increased global competition and the struggle to get jobs, plus policies that make various races study, eat and live together.

They are helping to mould the New Singaporean, which may ex-plain the better understanding of Malaysians.


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Temasek and Bank of America - Are we missing something?

Temasek and Bank of America - Are we missing something?

In December 2007 – the nascent and uncertain times prior to the eventual global credit meltdown – Temasek Holdings placed a strategic US$4.4 billion bet on troubled US investment bank Merrill Lynch. As markets continued to unravel from the subprime crisis and credit squeeze Temasek nearly doubled down with an increased stake of US$ 3.4 billion in July 2008.

In justification of this tremendous capital injection in uncertain times, and perhaps to calm nervy Singaporeans, Temasek declared “great confidence” in then Merrill Lynch CEO John Thain.

MP Lim Hwee Hua – Singapore’s minister of state for finance – announced in parliament that “Because our reserves are invested with a long-term horizon, this long-term orientation will keep us from selling in panic in a market downturn” and that “The downturns also offer opportunities for our agencies to invest in good quality assets at prices that are attractive from a long-term perspective.”

History is cruel and unforgiving as less than a month later, Lehman Brothers went bust; setting off a chain of events threatening to take down giant insurers, banks, motor companies, … etc down with it.

Having already suffered heavy loses on initial investments, optimism sprung eternal when Bank of America bought over Merril Lynch to prevent it from going bankrupt. The conversion of Merril into Bank of America shares promised some long term recovery given that Bank of America is a much bigger franchise.

Had Temasek sold its stake after the Bank of America takeover in Sep 2008, it could have gained US$1.5 billion, according to an estimate by Ilian Mihov, an economics professor at graduate business school INSEAD in Singapore. The stock price of Bank of America ranged from US$26 – US$37 per share in Sep 2008.

Perhaps Temasek believed in its mantra of having a long term investment horizon and sought to retain the Bank of America stock to earn more than what to them was a measly potential 20% return on investment.

That resolve, or foolishness, was short lived and today it was confirmed that Temasek had sold its entire stake by 31 Mar 09. Choosing instead to increase investments in emerging markets and reduce exposure to developed economies.over and over, AND over again.

Market timing is clearly not a strong suit of Madam Ho Ching. Since the end of March, when Temasek completed the sale (at an average price of US$6.73), Bank of America stock has risen 66 percent (presently it is US$11.31).

US$11.31 is not much compared to the US$37 it could have made in Sep, but its obviously much better than US$6.73.

I’m not an economist but I am well aware of the shortcomings of attempting to time markets. It is often described as a fool’s quest and I therefore can appreciate the long term investing philosophy. So why the sudden abandonment of this philosophy? We will probably never know the real reason.

Meanwhile, we continue to reward incompetence

Am I missing something?


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NHG's employee on spammed email to remove Lee Bee Wah as STTA President

Email this letter to Lee Bee Wah’s superiors to dismiss her as STTA President

EDITORS’ NOTE:

Please feel free to cut, paste and edit the letter below and email Lee Bee Wah’s superiors. Forward it to everybody you know as well:

Mr Teo Chee Hean, Deputy Prime Minister and Chairman of National Olympic Committee

teo_chee_hean@mindef.gov.sg

Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister of Community, Youth and Sports

Vivian_BALA@mcys.gov.sg

Mr Teo Ser Luck, Senior Parliamentary Secretary, Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports & Ministry of Transport

teo_ser_luck@mcys.gov.sg

OR give feedback directly to STTA here:

http://www.stta.org.sg/contact/index.php



Dear Sir,

I am a resident of XXX and I am writing to implore you to dismiss Lee Bee Wah as STTA President as she has demonstrated an utter lack of leadership, diplomacy and experience in the job.

As a Singaporean, I am most appalled, disgusted and disappointed by the behavior of STTA President Lee Bee Wah in her treatment of ex-coach Liu Guodong who won Singapore’s first Olympic medal in 48 years.

When asked by the media the reasons for not nominating Liu for the “Coach of the year” award, Lee was reported to have cast aspersions on Liu’s character with her statement that “results are not everything and that professionalism and integrity are important attributes of a good coach too.”

Being a public figure in a leadership position, her words carry heavy weight and may be enough to destroy the entire career and future of coach Liu.

If Liu was deemed unfit to be the national coach, why did she offer to renew his contract last year?

Her insensitive, callous and uncalled for remarks had triggered widespread public outrage with many Singaporeans calling for her resignation.

Please take a look at the petition below to judge the prevailing public sentiment for yourself:

http://www.petitiononline.com/lbh/petition.html

Since her latest faux paus, she had declined to comment further on the matter. If what she said about Liu is correct, why can’t she step forward and show the public the proof?

Does being a PAP MP give her special rights to character assassinate anybody she does not like or agree with?

What message are we sending to the sports fraternity? Will foreign coaches and players dare to come to Singapore knowing that their training and work will be subjected to frequent interference by political figures and administrators with no knowledge in the sports?

Is this the kind of “first division” MP that the PAP has in its team? Is Singapore really so short of talent to lead STTA?

I strongly protest against the continued stewardship of STTA under Lee Bee Wah.

Every time now I watch our national team played, bad memories of her 2 unwarranted outbursts will appear in my mind.

I will boycott the Singapore table-tennis team as long Lee Bee Wah remains in charge of the organization.

STTA is owned by the people of Singapore since it receives public monies for its training programmes and operations. Therefore it should be held accountable to the public.

Lee Bee Wah’s dismal performance so far has scandalized the entire nation and make us a laughing stock in the world.

She has lost all moral authority, credibility and respect to be a representative of the people.

Please do the right thing and remove her immediately as STTA President before more damage is done to the sports.



Yours sincerely,



XXX

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